There are several student financial aid provisions in the pandemic relief package that was included in the Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2021 that passed the House and Senate on Monday, December 21, 2020.
Student Loan Relief
Student loan borrowers are disappointed that the legislation did not include an extension to the student loan payment pause and interest waiver, nor did it provide any student loan forgiveness.
The payment pause and interest waiver is set to expire on January 31, 2021. President-elect Joe Biden will be able to extend it further after he takes office on January 20, 2021. Several possible extension dates have been floated, including April 1, April 30 and September 30, but Joe Biden has not yet said anything specific about the extension, just that it is needed.
Nevertheless, there are some changes in the legislation that affect student loan borrowers. In particular, the tax-free status of employer-paid student loan repayment assistance programs (LRAPs), which was set to expired on December 31, 2020, has been extended for five years through the end of 2025. Such LRAPs will be exempt from income and FICA taxes for both the employee and the employer.
SULA, a complicated set of limits on subsidized Federal Direct Stafford loans, has been repealed. SULA mostly affected students who transferred from a 4-year college to a 2-year college.
In addition, there have been a few changes concerning the U.S. Department of Education’s Next Generation Processing and Servicing Environment (NextGen) for federal student loans.
New student loan borrower accounts must be allocated to loan servicers based on their past performance and servicing capacity.
Borrower accounts must be reallocated from servicers for “recurring non-compliance with FSA guidelines, contractual requirements, and applicable laws, including for failure to sufficiently inform borrowers of available repayment options.” Applicable laws include consumer protection laws.
NextGen must allow for multiple student loan servicers that contract directly with the U.S. Department of Education.
NextGen must incentivize more support to borrowers at risk of delinquency or default.
Borrowers must be allowed to choose their loan servicer when they consolidate their federal loans.
The U.S. Department of Education must improve transparency through expanded publication of aggregate data concerning student loan servicer performance.
The legislation changes the income phaseouts for the Lifetime Learning Tax Credit (LLTC) to be the same as the income phaseouts for the American Opportunity Tax Credit (AOTC), starting with tax years that begin after December 31, 2020.
The Lifetime Learning Tax Credit will start phasing out at $80,000 for single filers and $160,000 for taxpayers who file as married filing jointly. The tax credit is fully phased out at $90,000 (single) and $180,000 (married filing jointly). Married taxpayers who file separate returns are not eligible.
For comparison, the 2020 income phaseouts for the LLTC were $59,000 to $68,000 (single) and $118,000 to $136,000 (married filing jointly).
The new income phaseouts will not be adjusted for inflation.
In addition, the legislation repeals the Tuition and Fees Deduction, effective with tax years that begin in 2021. This is a permanent repeal, so the Tuition and Fees Deduction will not be resurrected by the next tax extenders bill.
New Funding for Higher Education Emergency Relief Fund
The $81.88 billion for the Education Stabilization Fund includes
$54.3 billion for the Elementary and Secondary School Emergency Relief Fund
$22.7 billion for the Higher Education Emergency Relief Fund (HEERF)
$4.05 billion for the Governor’s Emergency Education Relief Fund, of which $2.75 billion has been earmarked for Emergency Assistance to Non-Public Schools
The Higher Education Emergency Relief Fund previously received $16 billion as part of the CARES Act.
The allocation formula for the HEERF funding is more complicated than the one in the CARES Act, but the allowable uses are similar. Public and private non-profit colleges are required to use at least half of the money for financial aid grants to students. Private for-profit colleges are required to use all of the money for financial aid grants to students. Colleges must provide at least the same amount of emergency financial aid grants to students as they did under the CARES Act provisions, even if their total allocation is lower.
The emergency financial aid grants to students can be used for any element of the student’s cost of attendance or for emergency costs related to the pandemic, such as “tuition, food, housing, health care (including mental health care), or child care.”
The grants must be prioritized to students with exception financial need, such as Pell Grant recipients.
The emergency financial aid grants to students are tax-free.
Most College Students Remain Ineligible for Stimulus Checks
Most college students will remain ineligible for the recovery rebate checks, also known as the stimulus checks.
The legislation includes the same restriction that limits the $600 per qualifying child to children age 16 and younger. Only 0.1% of undergraduate students are age 16 or younger.
College students who are under age 24 are also ineligible, because they can be claimed as a dependent on someone else’s federal income tax return. The remain ineligible even if they are not claimed on someone else’s tax return.
A college student might qualify if they are married and file a joint return with their spouse or if they provide more than half of their own support. About 15% of undergraduate students are married. College students who are 24 years old or older may also qualify. More than 40% of undergraduate students are 24 years old or older.
College students can still claim the $1,200 stimulus checks from the CARES Act in addition to the new $600 stimulus checks, if they are eligible.
Increase in the Maximum Pell Grant
The maximum Federal Pell Grant has been increased to $6,495 for the 2021-2022 academic year.
Eligibility criteria will be pegged to a multiple of the poverty line starting with the 2023-2024 academic year. Students will be eligible for the maximum Pell Grant if they and their parents/spouse, as applicable, are not required to file a federal income tax return or if their adjusted gross income (AGI) is less than 175% to 225% of the poverty line. The higher threshold is reserved for households involving a single parent.
I am Publisher of PrivateStudentLoans.guru, a free web site about borrowing to pay for college. I am an expert on student financial aid, the FAFSA, scholarships, 529 plans, education tax benefits and student loans. I have been quoted in more than 10,000 newspaper and magazine articles about college admissions and financial aid. I am the author of five bestselling books about paying for college and have seven patents. I serve on the editorial board of the Journal of Student Financial Aid, the editorial advisory board of Bottom Line/Personal, and am a member of the board of trustees of the Center for Excellence in Education. I have previously served as publisher of Savingforcollege.com, Cappex, Edvisors, Fastweb and FinAid. I have two Bachelor’s degrees in mathematics and philosophy from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) and a Master’s degree in computer science from Carnegie Mellon University (CMU)
How to pay for college is a pressing question for all applicants from the class of 2020. COVID-19 has caused financial uncertainty and many are having to rethink their plans. Jodi Okun, an expert in financial aid, joins Steven Mercer to talk about how the pandemic is impacting financial aid awards, what to do if your family’s financial situation has changed, and how to plan for the future in uncertain times. [Show ID: 35963] More from: STEAM Channel (https://www.uctv.tv/steam) UCTV is the broadcast and online media platform of the University of California, featuring programming from its ten campuses, three national labs and affiliated research institutions. UCTV explores a broad spectrum of subjects for a general audience, including science, health and medicine, public affairs, humanities, arts and music, business, education, and agriculture. Launched in January 2000, UCTV embraces the core missions of the University of California — teaching, research, and public service – by providing quality, in-depth television far beyond the campus borders to inquisitive viewers around the world. (https://www.uctv.tv)
Sen. Bernie Sanders, an independent, and Sen. Josh Hawley, a Republican, are looking to modify a $908 billion plan with an amendment that would authorize a second check for up to $1,200. The unamended proposal doesn’t include another direct payment. If Sanders and Hawley’s amendment is successful, the new payment would likely follow the same outlines of the first stimulus check for speed and simplicity, but even minor changes could have a significant impact for millions.
Read on for more information about what may happen to stimulus eligibility now. We update this story often.
How the qualifications could change with a new bill
While many members of Congress agree on the need for more aid, they differ on the specifics, and the two sides continue to discuss who needs assistance and how much to spend. Based on proposals that’ve been on the table this fall, here’s what lawmakers could do (or have already done):
Update the definition of a dependent: The CARES Act capped eligible dependents at kids age 16 and younger. One proposal this summer expanded the definition to any dependent, child or adult, you could claim on federal taxes. That means families with older kids or older adults at home could potentially see $500 more in their check total per individual if that proposal is adopted.
If the definition of a dependent changes, your family could benefit. Angela Lang/CNET
Raise the amount of money per child dependent: One White House proposal from October would’ve kept the definition of a child dependent used in the CARES Act but increased the sum per individual to $1,000 on the final household check. (Based on that, here’s how to estimate your total stimulus money and here’s the IRS’ formula for families.)
The White House’s new Dec. 8 proposal would reportedly raise the sum for each qualifying child to $600, up from $500 in the CARES Act.
Include noncitizens: The CARES Act made a Social Security number a requirement for a payment. Other proposals would’ve expanded the eligibility to those with an ITIN instead of a Social Security number because they’re classified as a resident or nonresident alien. A Republican plan this summer would’ve excluded those with an ITIN.
Who could qualify for a second stimulus check
Qualifying group
Likely to be covered by the final bill
Individuals
An AGI of less than $99,000 (Same as CARES)
Head of household
An AGI of less than $146,500 (Same as CARES)
Couple filing jointly
An AGI less than $198,000 (Same as CARES)
Dependents of any age
No limit (HEALS proposal; up to 3 in Heroes)
US citizens living abroad
Yes, same as CARES
Citizens of US territories
Likely, with payments handled by each territory’s tax authority (CARES)
SSDI and tax nonfilers
Likely, but with an extra step to file (more below)
Uncertain status
Could be set by court ruling or bill
Incarcerated people
Excluded under CARES through IRS interpretation, judge overturned
Undocumented immigrants
Qualifying “alien residents” are currently included under CARES
Disqualified group
Unlikely to be covered by the final bill
Noncitizens who pay taxes (ITIN)
Proposed in Heroes, unlikely to pass in Senate
Spouses, kids of ITIN filers
Excluded under CARES, more below
People who owe child support
Included in Heroes proposal, but excluded under CARES
Would the income limits be similar with another check?
Under the CARES Act, here are the income limits based on your adjusted gross income for the previous year that would qualify you for a stimulus check, assuming you met all the other requirements. (More below for people who don’t normally file taxes.) With the amendment proposed by Sanders and Hawley on Dec. 10, the requirements guidelines would follow those set out in the CARES Act.
You’re a single tax filer and earn less than $99,000.
You file as the head of a household and earn under $146,500.
You file jointly with a spouse and earn less than $198,000 combined.
What role do my taxes play in how much I could get? What if I don’t file taxes?
For most people, taxes and stimulus checks are tightly connected. For example, the most important factor in setting income limits is adjusted gross income, or AGI, which determines how much of the total amount you could receive, be it $600 or $1,200 for individuals and $1,200 or $2,400 for married couples (excluding children for now).
Our stimulus check calculator can show you how much money you could potentially expect from a second check, based on your most recent tax filing and a $1,200 per person cap. Read below for your eligibility if you don’t typically file taxes.
How much stimulus money you could get depends on who you are. Angela Lang/CNET
What should retired and older adults know?
Many older adults, including retirees over age 65, received a first stimulus check under the CARES Act, and would likely be eligible for a second one. For older adults and retired people, factors like your tax filings, your AGI, your pension, if you’re part of the SSDI program (more below) and whether the IRS considers you a dependent would likely affect your chances of receiving a second payment.
If I share custody or owe child support, how does that affect eligibility?
Wells Fargo has fired more than 100 employees for improperly applying for federal coronavirus relief money, Bloombergreported Wednesday, joining JPMorgan, which also has fired workers for misusing the same loan program.
According to an internal memo obtained by Forbes, employees made “false representations in applying for coronavirus relief funds for themselves,” said HR head David Galloreese.
Workers are accused of defrauding the Small Business Administration by tapping the Economic Injury Disaster Loan program, which allows businesses to apply for a forgivable $10,000 grant and borrow up to $2 million.
The memo said the alleged abuse happened outside the employees’ roles at the bank.
Galloreese said Wells Fargo would cooperate with law enforcement, though it’s unclear if the bank is already under investigation.
The move comes after JP Morgan found dozens of employees allegedly accessed EIDL relief funds improperly, and fired employees because of it, CBS News reported.
Crucial Quote
“As a company, we are vigilant in detecting fraud. While these instances of wrongdoing are extremely unfortunate and disappointing, they are not representative of the high integrity of the vast majority of Wells Fargo employees,” the memo says.
Key Background
Wells Fargo’s list of scandals keeps growing. CEO Charles Scharf apologized last month for blaming the bank’s trouble reaching diversity goals on a “limited pool of Black talent.” Wells Fargo has been sued multiple times for discriminatory lending practices, which the bank has denied. And the bank has paid billions to settle both criminal and civil charges related to the infamous fake account scandal, which resulted in former CEO John Stumpf being banned from the banking industry altogether. Follow me on Twitter. Send me a secure tip.
I’m a San Francisco-based reporter covering breaking news at Forbes. I’ve previously reported for USA Today, Business Insider, The San Francisco Business Times and San Jose Inside. I studied journalism at Syracuse University’s S.I. Newhouse School of Public Communications and was an editor at The Daily Orange, the university’s independent student newspaper. Follow me on Twitter @rachsandl or shoot me an email rsandler@forbes.com.
When chief executive Doug Parker took the pilot’s seat at American Airlines in December 2013, it seemed as though clear skies were ahead. His U.S. Airways had finally bagged a major partner by agreeing to combine with bankrupt American. The new company would emerge with modest debt as the nation’s largest airline, with only three domestic carriers left among its global competitors.
The financial crisis was well in the past, the economy was humming and travel seemed to be entering a new golden age. Carriers like American had mastered the science of dynamic fare pricing, and now nearly every seat on every flight was full, maximizing revenue and efficiency. Hailing the arrival of a “new American” by early 2014, Parker was eager to please Wall Street. “I assure you that everything we’re doing is focused on maximizing value for our shareholders,” he said on a call with investors.
Over the next six years, Parker borrowed heavily, tapping capital markets no fewer than 18 times to raise $25 billion in debt. He used the money to buy new planes and shore up American’s pension obligations, among other things. A host of passenger fees for additional baggage, more legroom, in-flight snacks, drinks and more helped swell the bottom line to $17.5 billion in combined profits from 2014 to 2019. Keeping his pledge, Parker declared a regular dividend in 2014—American’s first in 34 years—and began buying back billions of the airline’s stock.
Today American Airlines stock is worth a third of what CEO, Doug Parker has spent on buybacks. With its balance sheet a disgrace, it’s first in line for a government bailout.
Stefani Reynolds/ Bloomberg
“Holding more cash than the company needs to hold is not a good use of our shareholders’ capital,” he reasoned. That was music to hedge funders’ ears as they piled into American stock. Even Berkshire Hathaway’s Warren Buffett bought a chunk of the company. Out of bankruptcy, its stock took off almost immediately, doubling during Parker’s first year on the job. For his managerial brilliance, Parker was rewarded with annual compensation surpassing $10 million.
Fast-forward to April 2020, and a contagion known as SARS-CoV-2 has leveled the travel industry. American Airlines is flat broke, in part because of Parker’s profligate spending. Now the U.S. government has agreed to advance it $5.8 billion in the form of grants and low-interest loans—the largest payment to any airline in the government’s $25 billion industry bailout package. Many hedge fund investors have sold their shares, as has Berkshire Hathaway. American stock is now worth just one-third of the $12 billion Parker spent on buybacks alone.
Despite recent boom times, American’s balance sheet is a disgrace. Over the last six years, Parker added more than $7 billion in net debt, and today its ratio of net debt to revenue is 45%, about double what it was at the end of 2014. American says it plans to pay down its debt “aggressively” as soon as business returns to normal.
Debt-laden American Airlines is not an outlier among the nation’s largest corporations, though. If anything, its financial gymnastics might well have been a playbook for boardrooms around the country. Year after year, as the Federal Reserve pumped liquidity into the economy, some of the biggest firms in the United States—Coca-Cola, McDonald’s, AT&T, IBM, General Motors, Merck, FedEx, 3M and Exxon—have binged on low-interest debt. Most of them borrowed more than they needed, often returning it to shareholders in the form of buybacks and dividends. They also went on acquisition sprees. Their actions drove the S&P 500 index ever higher—by 13.5% on average annually from 2010 through 2019—and with it came increasingly rich pay packages for the CEOs leading the charge. The coup de grâce was President Trump’s 2017 tax cut, which added even more helium to this corporate-debt balloon.
Blue Chip Debt Junkies
Few companies have been able resist the lure of leverage. Below are some of the biggest borrowers.
According to a Forbes investigation, which analyzed 455 companies in the S&P 500 Index—excluding banks and cash-rich tech giants like Apple, Amazon, Google and Microsoft—on average, businesses in the index nearly tripled their net debt over the past decade, adding some $2.5 trillion in leverage to their balance sheets. The analysis shows that for every dollar of revenue growth over the past decade, the companies added almost a dollar of debt. Most S&P 500 firms entered the bull market with just 20 cents in net debt per dollar of annual revenue; today that figure has climbed to 38 cents.
But as the coronavirus pandemic cripples commerce worldwide, American corporations face a grim reality: Revenues have evaporated, but their crushing debt isn’t going anywhere.
A year ago, Federal Reserve chairman Jerome Powell sounded an alarm, but he could barely be heard above the roar of the ascendant stock market. “Not only is the volume of debt high,” said Powell last May, “but recent growth has also been concentrated in the riskier forms of debt. . . . Among investment-grade bonds, a near-record fraction is at the lowest rating—a phenomenon known as the ‘triple-B cliff.’ ” Powell was referring to the fact that a large number of companies’ bonds were dangerously close to junk status. “Investors, financial institutions and regulators need to focus on this risk today, while times are good.”
Powell has stopped preaching. Facing the frightening prospect of widespread corporate insolvencies, the Fed on March 23 announced a credit facility designed to support the corporate bond market. Two weeks later, the central bank stunned Wall Street by saying it would go into the open market to buy some junk bonds as well as shares in high-yield bond ETFs.
All told, the Federal Reserve is now earmarking $750 billion, supported by $75 billion from taxpayers, to help large companies survive the pandemic—all part of its $2.3 trillion rescue package.
“We have a buyer and lender of last resort, cushioning pain but taking over the role of the free market,” groused Howard Marks, the billionaire cofounder of Oaktree Capital, in a memo April 14. “When people get the feeling that the government will protect them from [the] unpleasant financial consequences of their actions, it’s called ‘moral hazard.’ People and institutions are protected from pain, but bad lessons are learned.”
The lesson to corporate-debt junkies is clear: Taxpayers be damned, the federal spigot is wide open. In the last two months alone, according to Refinitiv, no fewer than 392 companies have issued $617 billion in bonds and notes, including a record number of triple-B issues, piling on still more debt that they may not be able to pay back. As Warren Buffett observed during Berkshire’s annual shareholder meeting on May 2, “Every one of those people that issued bonds in late March and April ought to send a thank-you letter to the Fed.”
America’sforemost corporate citizens—companies found in nearly every retirement account—did not become debt dependents all by themselves. It took some prodding, mostly by Wall Street’s savviest participants. Take the case of McDonald’s, known for restaurants in nearly every town in the U.S., its iconic golden arches offering fast, budget-friendly meals to billions.
It all started before the 2008 crisis, when billionaire investor Bill Ackman began agitating the Chicago-based burger behemoth, demanding that it divest most of its 9,000 company-owned stores to independent operators in order to buy back $12.6 billion in stock. McDonald’s successfully repelled the hedge fund activist, but during the recovery, its growth stalled.
Thanks to McDonald’s CEO’s like Steve Easterbrook, the burger giant has been able to return more than $50 billion to its shareholders since 2014. The special sauce in its success? Debt.
Drew Angerer/ Getty Images
Starting in 2014, McDonald’s chief executive, Don Thompson, began piling on leverage to fund share repurchases. A year later his successor, Steve Easterbrook, amped up Thompson’s strategy by selling company-operated restaurants to franchisees, just as Ackman had wanted. Today, 93% of the 38,695 McDonald’s worldwide are operated by small entrepreneurs who cover maintenance costs and pay the parent company rent and royalties for the privilege of operating in its buildings, using its equipment and selling its food.
The new and improved “asset light” McDonald’s no longer manages cumbersome assets; instead, it receives those payments and is sitting on tens of billions in debt. From 2014 through the end of 2019, McDonald’s issued some $21 billion in bonds and notes. It also repurchased more than $35 billion in stock and paid out $19 billion in dividends, returning over $50 billion to shareholders, far in excess of its profit ($31 billion) over that period.
That was just fine by Wall Street. McDonald’s became a hedge fund darling, its shares more than doubling during Easterbrook’s tenure, from 2015 to 2019. His reward was $78 million in generous pay packages over five years.
The risk added to McDonald’s balance sheet has been dramatic, however. In 2010, the company carried just 38 cents in net debt per dollar of annual sales, but by the time Easterbrook was fired in late 2019 amid news of a workplace affair, it had $1.58 in net debt per dollar of revenue.
Today its net debt stands at $33 billion, nearly five times greater than before the financial crisis. Its bonds are rated triple-B, two notches above junk, down from their A rating in 2015. A prolonged recession could push some overleveraged firms toward insolvency, especially if interest rates rise and the Treasury’s multitrillion-dollar “save the economy at any price” plan makes inflation do the same.
With most of its restaurants nearly empty during the pandemic, McDonald’s stock initially fell by almost 40%. Thanks to the Fed’s intervention, though, McDonald’s debt, which at first slumped to 78 cents on the dollar, recovered along with the stock, as the company quickly raised an additional $3.5 billion. McDonald’s insists that it entered the crisis with a strong balance sheet and overall financial health. It recently suspended its share repurchases.
The startling truth, though, is that the burger giant’s leverage is actually modest compared to one of its foremost competitors, Yum Brands, the $5.6 billion (revenue) owner of Pizza Hut, Taco Bell and KFC. After Greg Creed took charge as CEO in 2015, activist hedge fund managers Keith Meister, of Corvex Management, and Daniel Loeb, of Third Point, took big positions. By October of that year, Meister was on Yum’s board of directors; days after his appointment, the company said it was “committed to returning substantial capital to shareholders” and spinning off its Yum China division, which generated 39% of its profits.
Over the next year, Creed borrowed $5.2 billion to fund $7.2 billion of stock buybacks and dividends. Yum retired some 31% of its common shares, and as expected, its stock price doubled to over $100 by the end of 2019. Shareholders were thrilled, but Yum’s financial staying power was severely compromised. In 2014, Yum had just $2.8 billion of net debt, accounting for 42% of net revenue; by 2020, that figure had swelled to $10 billion, or 178% of net revenue. Heading into the coronavirus economy, Yum was a basket case, but thanks to the Fed and a $600 million bond issue in April, it will live to see another day.
Former Yum Brands CEO Greg Creed’s shareholder return policies turned out to be as finger-licking good to hedge funds as KFC’s fried chicken.
Jebb Harris/ Zuma/ Newscom
Yum management scoffs at the idea that the Fed helped in any way. “We’re not aware of Federal Reserve intervention in the high-yield market or in our ability to issue $600 million of high-yield bonds,” the company says.
Like McDonald’s, Yum sold many of its company-owned outlets to independent franchisees. Without access to capital markets and the Fed’s largesse, their future isn’t so certain. Yum is giving some of its franchise owners a 60-day grace period to make their royalty payments. David Gibbs, who replaced Creed as CEO in January, speculated at the end of April that if need be it would take over the franchises and sell them off.
Of course, some argue that the de facto leveraged buyouts of publicly traded companies like McDonald’s and Yum were actually prudent given the Federal Reserve’s decade-long easy-money approach to monetary policy. “As a corporate finance matter, it was almost irresponsible to overfinance with equity given that [debt] was unbelievably cheap,” says Arena Investors’ Dan Zwirn.
According to the St. Louis Federal Reserve, as of the end of 2019, non-financial business debt totaled $10 trillion, climbing 64% from the beginning of the decade. “Every penny of the quantitative easing by the Fed translated into an equal match of corporate debt that went into share buybacks, which ultimately drove the share count of the S&P 500 to the lowest level in two decades,” says economist David Rosenberg. “This was a debt bubble of historic proportions. . . . Then again, nobody seemed to mind as long as the gravy train was still operating.”
If there were an award given for corporate recklessness, however, few would challenge mighty Boeing, the world’s largest aerospace and defense manufacturer and the nation’s single biggest exporter. Once the pride of industrial ingenuity in America, Boeing has been hypnotized by the lure of financial engineering.
Once the pride of industrial ingenuity in America, Boeing under CEO Dennis Muilenberg became hypnotized by the lure of financial engineering. It’s debt now sits one notch above junk.
Mandel Bgan/ AFP/ Getty Images
Starting in 2013, the Chicago-based company decided it would make sense to commit nearly every penny of profit, and then some, to its shareholders. It sent $64 billion out the door—$43 billion worth of buybacks and $21 billion in dividends—saving little under CEO Dennis Muilenberg to cushion against the industry’s expected hazards, such as manufacturing difficulties, labor disputes and recessions.
After two of its 737 MAX planes crashed within five months and the FAA grounded the aircraft in 2019, Boeing’s aggressive financial policies were exposed, and it was forced to turn to debt markets for emergency cash. The company, which had essentially no debt in 2016, ended 2019 with $18 billion in net debt. This March, Boeing drew fully on a $13.8 billion credit line to contend with the grounding of air travel, and Standard & Poor’s downgraded its credit rating to the lowest rung of investment-grade.
Boeing flirted with a bailout, initially asking the government for $60 billion for the aerospace industry. But in late April, chief financial officer Greg Smith told investors the Defense Department was taking steps to bolster its liquidity, and that the Coronavirus Aid, Relief and Economic Security (CARES) Act had helped it defer some tax payments. Boeing also began weighing funding options from programs run by the Treasury and Fed. “We believe that government support will be critical to ensuring our industry’s access to liquidity,” said Boeing’s new CEO, David Calhoun, on April 29. The next day, Boeing launched a $25 billion bond offering, eliminating the need for a direct bailout. The issuance, which includes bonds that aren’t redeemable until 2060, was oversubscribed, as institutional investors no doubt assumed that Boeing’s recovery was a matter of national importance to the government.
While delivering cash back to shareholders was an obsession of Boeing’s CEO, becoming a giant in entertainment via acquisitions has been the hallmark of Randall Stephenson’s 13-year tenure as CEO of AT&T. Since his start atop the 143-year-old company once revered as Ma Bell, Stephenson has spent more than $200 billion—mostly on acquisitions of DirecTV and Time Warner, among others, but also on stock buybacks and the telecom’s $2 annual dividend. All told, Stephenson piled on almost $100 billion in new net debt. “AT&T is the most indebted non-financial company the world has ever seen,” says telecom analyst Craig Moffett.
Race To The Top
Corporate debt has skyrocketed to more than $10 Trillion, according to the St. Louis Fed, but it may ultimately be overtaken by the government. Said Fed Chairman Jerome Powell on 60 Minutes recently: “We’re not out of ammunition by a long shot.”
Hedge fund shareholder Elliott Management minced few words when it comes to Stephenson’s antics: “It has become clear that AT&T acquired DirecTV at the absolute peak of the linear TV market,” Elliott said of the $67 billion purchase in a September 2019 letter to the board. As for the $109 billion Stephenson spent on Time Warner, “AT&T has yet to articulate a clear strategic rationale for why AT&T needs to own Time Warner.”
Elliott, long known for rattling corporate cages, contended that Stephenson’s worst deal was his $39 billion run at T-Mobile in 2011. “Possibly the most damaging deal was the one not done,” Elliott said in the same letter, referring to the year-long waste of corporate resources capped by AT&T’s ultimate withdrawal from the deal, which forced it to pay T-Mobile a record $6 billion breakup fee. “[AT&T] capitalized a viable competitor for years to come,” Elliott’s letter said.
Once revered as Ma Bell, AT&T under CEO Randall Stephenson has become the “most indebted non-financial company the world has ever seen.”
Andrew Harrer/ Bloomberg
Elliott and other investors were no doubt feeling ripped off by AT&T. Unlike Boeing, whose debt gorging and buybacks caused its stock to soar, AT&T’s shares have gone nowhere for a decade. What the debt-dependent duo do have in common is that financially, at least, they bear little resemblance to their former blue-chip selves.
Shocking as the pandemic of 2020 has been to the global economy, the fallout from a decade of debt binges by corporate giants might be only beginning. The landscape is littered with companies suffering from self-inflicted wounds. A prolonged recession could push some overleveraged firms toward insolvency, especially if interest rates rise and the Fed’s multitrillion-dollar “save the economy at any price” plan makes inflation do the same.
Altria, the seller of Marlboro cigarettes, increased its net debt from $10 billion to $26 billion over the past decade, spending most of its operating cash flow on dividends and share repurchases and wasting $15 billion on stakes in Juul Labs and cannabis company Cronos Group with little payoff. The cigarette merchant now holds $1.31 of net debt per dollar of annual revenue, up from 58 cents in 2010.
For most of its 118-year history, Minnesota’s 3M, the maker of N95 masks, Post-It notes and Scotch tape, carried almost no leverage. From 2010 to today, however, its net debt has swollen 17-fold to nearly $18 billion, or 55% of revenue. Standard & Poor’s downgraded 3M’s bonds in February, and it was among the first issuers to tap unfrozen bond markets in late March.
O’Reilly Automotive, the $10 billion (revenue) Missouri-based auto-parts retailer, has been one of the decade’s stock market darlings. The family-run business discovered cheap debt in the 2010s, using it to buy back $12 billion in stock and retire nearly half its outstanding shares. Over the decade, its net debt ballooned almost 12-fold to $4 billion. O’Reilly took on another $500 million, just in case, on March 25.
CEO Vicki Hollub of Occidental Petroleum has increased debt fivefold since 2016. Covid and the collapse in crude oil prices, have put her company on bankruptcy-watch.
Kyle Grillot/ Bloomberg
General Dynamics, known for its Navy ships, Gulfstream jets and government contracts, had little debt in 2010, but since CEO Phebe Novakovic took over in 2013, it has bought back about $13 billion in stock and paid out $6 billion in dividends, finishing last year with $11 billion of net debt.
IBM has been a buyback champion for years, paying 90% of its free cash flow to shareholders to return $125 billion to them from 2010 to 2019. Big Blue’s debt, including customer financing, has grown from 17% of net revenue to 70%, with $52 billion in net debt currently outstanding.
Even Berkshire Hathaway got caught up in the great debt binge. In 2013, Buffett teamed up with Brazilian private equity firm 3G Capital, cofounded by billionaire Jorge Paulo Lemann, to buy H.J. Heinz for $28 billion and, two years later, Kraft Foods for $47 billion. The resulting company was stocked with brands of yore such as Jell-O, Velveeta and Oscar Mayer—as well as $30 billion of debt. After floating a $143 billion takeover of Unilever that would have reportedly required $90 billion of additional debt, business at the massive food conglomerate began to spoil.
Kraft’s market capitalization has plunged from $118 billion at its peak in February 2017 to $38 billion, and Berkshire Hathaway’s shares, which are carried on its books at $13.8 billion, now trade for just $10 billion. In February, both S&P and Fitch cut Kraft’s bonds to junk. Kraft Heinz maintains that its balance sheet, and the demand for its brands, are strong.
Vicki Hollub, the CEO of Occidental Petroleum, has increased its net debt nearly fivefold since she took over in 2016, to $36 billion, not counting the $10 billion in preferred financing Hollub took from Buffett. Her $55 billion takeover of Anadarko Petroleum closed last August—just in advance of the worst oil-price plunge since the 1980s as Russia and Saudi Arabia flooded markets with supply early this year. With West Texas Intermediate crude hovering near $30 a barrel as of press time, Occidental looks to be heading for restructuring or even bankruptcy.
If Oxy is allowed to go bust, though, it will probably be the exception. The U.S. government can’t afford to let market forces alone dictate the future of too many companies. Already, retailers Neiman Marcus, J.Crew and JCPenney have filed for bankruptcy. The Federal Reserve has made it clear that to try to avoid global economic devastation worse than that seen during the Great Depression, it regards the nation’s largest publicly traded companies as, basically, too big to fail. “The Fed and Treasury have essentially created a new moral hazard by socializing credit risk,” wrote Scott Minerd, CIO of Guggenheim Partners.
BlackRock is predicting an expansion of the Federal Reserve’s balance sheet by a “staggering” $7 trillion by the end of the year. In some ways, it seems, the Fed’s actions are tantamount to trying to cure addiction by increasing the dosage of the very substance the addict is abusing.
I’m a staff writer and associate editor at Forbes, where I cover finance and investing. My beat includes hedge funds, private equity, fintech, mutual funds, mergers, and banks. I’m a graduate of Middlebury College and the Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism, and I’ve worked at TheStreet and Businessweek. Before becoming a financial scribe, I was a member of the fateful 2008 analyst class at Lehman Brothers. Email thoughts and tips to agara@forbes.com. Follow me on Twitter at @antoinegara
I am a senior editor at Forbes who likes digging into Wall Street, hedge funds and private equity firms, looking for both the good and the bad. I also focus on the intersection of business and the law.In the oil patch, meanwhile, many are too sick even to take advantage of the Fed’s generosity.
In some ways, it seems, the Fed’s actions are tantamount to trying to cure addiction by increasing the dosage of the very substance the addict is abusing.